Copyright
Amnesty International
AI REPORT 1999
IRAN
Hundreds of political
prisoners, including prisoners
of conscience, were held. Some
were detained without charge
or trial; others continued to
serve long prison sentences
imposed after unfair trials.
Reports of torture and
ill-treatment continued to be
received and judicial
punishments of flogging and
stoning continued to be
imposed. Reports suggested
that possible “disappearances”
and extrajudicial executions
had occurred. Scores of people
were reportedly executed,
including at least one
prisoner of conscience;
however, the true number may
have been considerably higher.
An unknown number of people
remained under sentence of
death, some after unfair
trials. Armed opposition
groups committed human rights
abuses.
President Hojjatoleslam
val Moslemin Sayed Mohammad
Khatami proceeded cautiously
with reforms in the face of
opposition in the majles
(parliament) and judiciary.
Tensions increased on Iran's
border with Afghanistan in
September following the
killing by Afghan Taleban
forces of nine Iranian
diplomats and a journalist.
The government
continued to face armed
opposition from the Iraq-based
People's Mojahedin
Organization of Iran (pmoi),
as well as from the Kurdistan
Democratic Party of Iran (kdpi),
Arab separatist groups in
Khuzestan, and Baluchi groups
in Sistan-Baluchistan.
Civil unrest continued
sporadically in various
regions. In April clashes
broke out after a
demonstration in Tehran in
support of former Tehran Mayor
Gholam Hussain Karbaschi was
attacked by members of
Ansar-e Hezbollah (Helpers
of Hezbollah), an informal
group linked to elements in
the Iranian government. A
number of people were injured
and others were arrested as
security forces broke up the
disturbances.
The un Special
Representative on the Islamic
Republic of Iran continued to
be denied access to the
country during the year.
Prisoners of conscience
continued to be detained. Four
employees of the daily
newspaper Tous _
Mashallah Shamsolva'ezin,
Hamid Reza Jalaipour, Mohammad
Javadi Hessar and Rahim Nabavi
_ were arrested after Tous
was banned in September. They
were released conditionally in
October. Tous had
replaced the journal Jameah,
banned in July for “publishing
lies and disturbing public
order”, and maintained its
editorial staff. Earlier in
the year Mashallah
Shamsolva'ezin, then editor of
Jameah, had been
attacked outside the journal's
offices by members of
Ansar-e Hezbollah.
Hojjatoleslam Sayed
Mohsen Saidzadeh, an Islamic
scholar, was arrested in June
reportedly as a result of an
article on the role of women
in Islam. He was released in
December.
In July Mohammad Reza
Za'eri, editor of Khaneh
magazine, was found guilty by
the Press Court of publishing
an article which allegedly
insulted the late Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini. Mohammad
Reza Za'eri was released from
custody after issuing a public
apology and paying a surety of
20 million rials (us$6,700).
Former Deputy Prime
Minister 'Abbas Amir Entezam,
who was released from
detention in May 1997 (see
Amnesty International Report
1998), was rearrested
in September 1998 following a
radio interview in which he
reportedly criticized the
human rights record of
Assadollah Lajevardi, the
former governor of Evin prison
who was killed in August (see
below). Despite
recommendations by the
presiding judge that 'Abbas
Amir Entezam be released on
bail, the authorities of Evin
prison reportedly refused to
release him at the end of
September. A court hearing to
answer charges of defamation
brought against 'Abbas Amir
Entezam was set initially for
October. However, since 'Abbas
Amir Entezam was reportedly
prevented from attending the
hearing by prison authorities,
the hearing was postponed.
'Abbas Amir Entezam was
reportedly still held in Evin
prison at the end of the year.
Other prisoners of
conscience who continued to be
held after arrest in previous
years included at least 20
members of the Baha'i
religious minority, at least
six of whom were under
sentence of death. Among them
were Sirous Zabihi Moqaddam
and Hedayatollah Kashefi,
arrested in 1997 and sentenced
to death in Mashhad for their
alleged role in the conversion
of a Muslim woman to the
Baha'i faith.
Grand Ayatollah Hossein
'Ali Montazeri, arrested in
November 1997 after making a
speech which apparently
criticized the leadership of
Iran, reportedly remained
under house arrest in Qom (see
Amnesty International Report
1998). Mass arrests of
Grand Ayatollah Montazeri's
supporters _ including his
son-in-law, Hadi Hashemi _
took place prior to a planned
demonstration in his home town
of Najafabad in May. Some were
reportedly ill-treated in
detention.
Other Shi'a religious
leaders opposed to aspects of
government policy, as well as
large numbers of their
supporters, continued to be
detained. Some or all were
possible prisoners of
conscience. Some were held
without charge or trial,
others following unfair
trials. At least three Grand
Ayatollahs were believed to
remain under house arrest,
including Grand Ayatollah
Sayed Hassan Tabataba'i-Qomi,
who was reportedly denied
access to medical treatment
for heart disease (see
Amnesty International Report
1998). Several
supporters of Grand Ayatollah
Sayed Mohammad Shirazi also
reportedly remained in
detention.
Scores of people
arrested following
demonstrations in Tabriz and
hundreds of others arrested on
suspicion of offences such as
espionage, “propagating
pan-Turkism” or “counter-revolution”,
continued to be held without
charge or trial (see previous
Amnesty International
Reports).
Faraj Sarkouhi, a
magazine editor who had
“disappeared” for seven weeks
in 1996 and was rearrested in
January 1997 (see Amnesty
International Reports 1997
and 1998), was released
from detention in January and
subsequently left the country.
Political prisoners
continued to receive unfair
trials. Detainees were
reportedly denied access
either to any legal counsel or
to a lawyer of their choice,
despite legislation providing
for the right to legal
representation. Trials before
special courts, such as the
Special Court for the Clergy,
continued to fall far short of
international standards.
Gholam Hussain
Karbaschi, former Mayor of
Tehran and a close political
ally of President Khatami, was
arrested in April on charges
of corruption and embezzlement.
He was sentenced in July to
five years' imprisonment, 60
lashes (subsequently set aside
on appeal) and a heavy fine.
He was also banned from public
office for 20 years. Sixteen
other Tehran district mayors
were also arrested during the
investigation, some of whom
were sentenced to flogging.
Trial proceedings in the case
fell short of international
standards for fair trial. For
example, none of the Tehran
municipality officials
arrested during the
investigation appeared to have
had access to a lawyer during
their detention. In December
an appeal court reduced the
custodial sentence against
Gholam Hussain Karbaschi from
five to two years. An appeal
to the Supreme Court was
pending at the end of the year.
Political prisoners
serving long prison terms
after unfair trials included:
supporters of the pmoi;
members of the Mohajerin
movement (followers of Dr
'Ali Shari'ati); members of
leftist organizations such as
the Tudeh party,
Peykar and factions of the
Organization of the People's
Fedaiyan of Iran; supporters
of Kurdish groups such as
Komala and the kdpi; and
supporters of other groups
representing ethnic minorities
such as Baluchis and Arabs.
Torture and
ill-treatment continued to be
reported. Many of the Tehran
municipality officials
mentioned above claimed they
were tortured to elicit
confessions or to incriminate
others: methods used
reportedly included beatings
with hands, feet and sticks;
flogging with whips; sleep
deprivation, at times combined
with being forced to stand for
long periods; exposure to loud
noises; lack of food; and
threats to relatives.
Judicial punishments
amounting to torture or cruel,
inhuman or degrading
punishment continued to be
reported. Flogging was
reportedly imposed for a wide
range of offences, at times in
conjunction with the death
penalty or a custodial
sentence. Vahide Ghassemi, the
co-accused of Helmut Hofer (see
below), was reportedly
sentenced to 100 lashes in
October after she was
convicted of illicit sexual
relations. It was unknown
whether the sentence was
carried out. In November
Khosrow Ebrahimi was acquitted
after he escaped from the pit
in which he had been buried to
the waist in order to be
stoned to death in the town of
Lahijan. He had been sentenced
to death for adultery.
Mohammad 'Ali Ataei,
originally sentenced to death
by a military court in the
city of Rasht in January on
vaguely worded charges
including robbery and “being
against the people”,
reportedly received 300 lashes
before being released in July.
A number of possible
“disappearances” were reported.
Pirouz Davani, a critic of the
government who had spent four
years in prison between 1990
and 1994, “disappeared” in
August in Tehran. The
authorities denied all
knowledge of his whereabouts.
Reports of deaths in
circumstances which suggested
possible extrajudicial
executions continued to be
received. According to
reports, Aman Naroui, a Sunni
cleric from Zabol,
Sistan-Baluchistan province,
was killed by unidentified
gunmen in July following his
criticism of government
policies in the region. To
Amnesty International's
knowledge the killing was not
investigated.
The threat of
extrajudicial execution
continued to extend to Iranian
nationals resident abroad, as
well as to non-Iranians. In
September President Khatami
and other senior officials
sought to distance themselves
from the late Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini's 1989
fatwa calling for the
death of author Salman
Rushdie, a United Kingdom
national, as well as from the
us$2.5 million bounty offered
for Salman Rushdie's life by
the 15 Khordad Foundation (see
previous Amnesty
International Reports).
However, several senior
religious figures and members
of parliament in Iran
continued to support the
fatwa, and in October the
15 Khordad Foundation
increased to us$3 million the
reward for killing Salman
Rushdie.
In November Majid
Sharif, a journalist and
translator who had reportedly
written articles advocating
the separation of the state
and religion, was found dead
after he failed to return from
a religious ceremony in the
city of Mashhad. The
circumstances of his death
were suspicious. The same
month Dariyush Foruhar, leader
of the banned Hezb-e
Mellat-e Iran, Iran Nation
Party, and his wife, Parvaneh
Foruhar, were killed at their
home in Tehran. In December
Mohammad Mokhtari and Mohammad
Ja'far Puyandeh, both of whom
had been questioned by the
authorities in October in
connection with their desire
to establish an independent
writers' association, were
found dead. They had
“disappeared” a few days
earlier. Both had reportedly
been strangled. An
investigation was in progress
at the end of the year.
The death penalty
continued to be widely used,
often imposed for vaguely
worded offences _ including
political offences and those
relating to freedom of belief
_ frequently after unfair
trials. Scores of executions,
including a number carried out
in public, were reported,
although the true figures may
well have been considerably
higher.
Morteza Firouzi, editor
of the English-language daily
Iran News who was held
in unacknowledged detention
for over 10 weeks in 1997 (see
Amnesty International
Report 1998), was
reportedly sentenced to death
in January on charges of
“spying for a foreign
country”. In May the death
sentence was upheld by the
Supreme Court, but shortly
afterwards the case was
referred back to the Court of
First Instance for
reconsideration. There was no
further news of Morteza
Firouzi's fate.
Ruhollah Rowhani was
executed in Mashhad in July
after he was convicted of
converting a Shi'a Muslim
woman to the Baha'i faith. Two
other Baha'is who were
convicted in the same case
remained in Mashhad prison
under sentence of death.
Helmut Hofer, a German,
was sentenced to death in
January for having sexual
relations with an Iranian
Muslim woman, Vahide Ghassemi
(see above). Following an
appeal, the court of first
hearing reinstated the death
sentence in October. A second
appeal was pending before the
Supreme Court.
In August 'Abdollah
Amini was reportedly given
four death sentences on
charges of kdpi membership and
involvement in the killing of
Iranian Revolutionary Guard
prisoners while he was
commandant of a kdpi
internment camp during the
1980s. It was not known
whether he was executed.
Hossein Dowlatkhah, a
businessman reportedly
convicted in 1997 of
“corruption on earth” and
other offences was hanged in
Tehran in November.
In June the pmoi caused
bomb explosions at three
locations in Tehran, including
the office of the Islamic
Revolutionary Prosecutor, in
which an unconfirmed number of
people were killed, some or
all of whom were civilians.
The pmoi claimed
responsibility for the killing
in August of Assadollah
Lajevardi, former governor of
Evin prison, and two other
people.
Amnesty International
called for the unconditional
and immediate release of all
prisoners of conscience and a
review of legislation which
allows for the imprisonment of
prisoners of conscience.
Amnesty International urged
the authorities to review the
cases of political prisoners,
so that those sentenced after
an unfair trial could be
promptly retried in accordance
with international standards.
Amnesty International also
urged that those detained
without charge or trial be
charged with recognizably
criminal offences and given
fair trials, or released.
Amnesty International
called on the government to
ensure impartial and thorough
investigations into
allegations of torture,
“disappearances” and
extrajudicial executions, and
to bring those responsible to
justice. The organization also
called for the commutation of
death sentences and of
judicial punishments amounting
to torture or cruel, inhuman
or degrading punishment.
Amnesty International
received replies from the
authorities clarifying some
cases, but the replies did not
address many of the
organization's continuing
human rights concerns.
Amnesty International
continued to investigate the
situation of detainees
reportedly held by some armed
opposition groups. It called
on the pmoi to stop targeting
civilians in armed attacks.
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NOTICE: This report is
an extract from the Amnesty
International Report 1998 and
is copyright (c) Amnesty
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